The first trip to Israel by an Indian prime minister reflects the
significant expansion in relations between the two countries that has taken
place since the establishment of full diplomatic relations in 1992. The
burgeoning relationship is based on similar strategic agendas and buttressed by
extensive defense ties. Modi’s government has shed its predecessors’
reservations about regular public discussions regarding India’s ties with
Israel and has even modified voting patterns at multilateral fora.
The two nations share a
common threat: radical offshoots of Islam in the greater Middle East. Israel
regards parts of the Arab world — Saudi Arabia in particular — as hubs for
Islamic extremism, while India views Saudi‐Pakistani relations with suspicion. Moreover, India fears the Pakistani nuclear arsenal might
ultimately fall into the hands of Islamic radicals.
For Israel, Islamic
radicals in the Arab world and in the Islamic Republic of Iran constitute a
constant security challenge. This challenge has become more acute as Iran’s
nuclear potential has grown. The more recent ISIS phenomenon has ramifications
beyond the battlefields of Iraq and Syria, as its offshoots threaten the
stability of Egypt and Jordan — Israel’s neighbors — and are increasingly
sources of concern in south and southeast Asia.
India has gradually
overcome its inhibitions and engaged in security cooperation with
Israel. The November 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks underscored the
need for better counterterrorism preparations in India and elicited greater
cooperation with Israeli agencies.
Arms supply and
technology transfer have become important components in the bilateral
relationship. Initially, Russian failure to deliver promised weapons at
expected prices and/or schedules led India to turn to Israeli companies to
upgrade some of its aging Soviet platforms, such as its Mig‐21s and T‐72 tank fleet.
New Delhi purchased
advanced radar and communications equipment from Israel, as well as portable
battlefield radars, hand‐held thermals, night warfare vision equipment, and electronic
fences to improve border monitoring. A long list of Israeli military items,
such as ammunition, UAV parts, and even missiles (Spike anti‐armor, the Python‐4 air‐to‐air, naval Barak‐8 surface‐to‐air) are being produced in India.
Israel was the third‐largest arms supplier to India in
the three years ending March 2016. In April 2017, India signed a contract worth
about $2 billion to procure anti‐tank missiles and air defense systems from the Israel
Aerospace Industry (IAI). This was the largest order in Israel’s history. One month later, the IAI secured another contract for
$630 million to supply Barak‐8 missiles for the Indian Navy. Both deals involve technology
transfer and production in India. These deals are part of PM Modi’s $250 billion plan to modernize the armed forces by 2025 amid
tensions with neighbors China and Pakistan.
The Indian‐Israeli nexus has various Indian
Ocean implications, particularly in response to China’s growing presence. The Indian Ocean, where India is an important
actor, has become an area of growing interest for Israel because of its
apprehensions about Iran and Pakistan.
India and Israel
represent two ancient civilizations. They share a British colonial past and
were the first to become independent (in 1947 and 1948, respectively) in the
post‐WWII decolonization wave. Both were born as the result of messy
partitions and have maintained democratic regimes under adverse conditions ever
since. Nevertheless, it took over four decades to establish a fruitful
bilateral relationship.
For Israel, good
relations with India reflect awareness of structural changes in the
international system as the center of gravity moves to Asia and the Pacific
Rim. India is an extremely important protagonist that requires Israel’s utmost
attention.
View full article at https://besacenter.org/perspectives-papers/modi-jerusalem/
This article originally
appeared in Asia Pacific Bulletin on
June 7, 2017.
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