Letter to UK Foreign Minister David Lammy

(The letter below was written by one in my mailing network.)

I am writing to you to express my disgust and shock that you have taken the egregious and cowardly decision to suspend export licenses to Britain's only true ally in the middle east, Israel.
 
You make the claim that it cannot be proved that British weapons are not being used "in breach of international law". And yet your government knows perfectly well that Israel is exercising extreme restraint in its conduct of the war in Gaza, and is applying standards and procedures for avoiding harm to non-combatants in enemy territory that have never been applied in the history of urban warfare.
 
The absolute proof that Israel is taking more precautions to avoid civilian deaths than any other army in history is in numbers: A civilian to terrorist ratio of 1.5 - 2 to 1 (even if you believe hamas casualty figures which are the only source of the number of civilian deaths, unquestioningly repeated by the media and the UN). Compare this to the Iraq war which the Labour party dragged this country into, where the best Britain and its allies could achieve was 4.5 to 1.
 
That you also chose to make this announcement on the day that six Israelis hostages were being buried after their brutal sadistic murder by Hamas terrorists is doubly outrageous.
 
But you know this and you made the decision anyway. Why? I can think of no other reason than to appease the far-left and Islamist mob that threatens your MPs' security and your party's vote share.
 
And furthermore, this comes on the back of two other disastrous decisions in recent weeks:
 
- The resumption of funding to UNRWA, which is clearly a terrorist front group with a vested interest in perpetuating the conflict with Israel and brainwashing the Palestinian youth into Jew-hatred and violence. Your government is literally taking money from pensioners and giving it to terrorists - unbelievable.
 
- Your back-tracking on the UK government's commitment to oppose the ICC's arrest of Benjamin Netanyahu, the democratically elected leader of an allied country.
 
I can only assume that you think that by giving the extremists in your party and in the country at large these concessions it will stop their threats, their violence, their intimidation. It won't. It will have the opposite effect, it will embolden them to increase their pressure. Where will you stop Mr Lammy?
 
Israel is a democratic nation state fighting a war for its survival against a vicious, cruel, cynical and bloodthirsty terrorist regime. A regime that murdered, tortured, burned alive, raped, kidnapped thousands of Israelis - an initiation of Total War if there ever was one. Yet Israel did not retaliate with total war as some countries no doubt would have done. It is fighting a just and necessary war to free hostages and to defeat the terrorist regime, under extraordinarily difficult circumstances, under intense international pressure, in a theatre where its enemy has deliberately embedded itself in the civilian population, turned civilian infrastructure into military infrastructure, dug 500 km of tunnels under every school, hospital, mosque and home. In spite of these challenges Israel is very clearly adhering to the laws of war.
 
Additionally, given that the UK also exports weapons systems to the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Pakistan, India, etc etc, what proof do you have that those are not being used "in breach of international law"? How many have died in Yemen from Saudi bombardments? How many Kurds have been killed by Turkey? Will you also be suspending exports to those countries? I certainly look forward to finding out.
 
Mr Lammy I urge you to own up to your mistake, to reverse this decision, to show some backbone and leadership, and to stand up to the extremists who are pressuring you by telling the truth loudly and clearly: Israel is NOT committing genocide, genocide is what Hamas promise again and again to do to Israel's Jews (and demonstrated exactly how they will do this on October 7), and that Israel is a peaceful nation which respects international law. Because you know this to be true.

‘Bring Them Home’ Is Bringing Us to the Brink

For the full article go to https://tinyurl.com/ycxxyx62

Israelis are engaging en masse in the most rank American-style lunacy. Slogans like #BringThemHomeNow, for example, demonstrate just how hollow and inflamed Israeli public discourse has become. To whom, exactly, is this exhortation addressed? Surely not to Hamas, the only group with the actual power to release the hostages. Instead, it’s a bombastic bit of emotional manipulation, daring anyone to defy it while at the same time giving cover to political movements with unclear aims and means. Just like Black Lives Matter—and who would ever argue that they don’t?—the Bring Them Home movement in Israel is now an amalgam of anti-Bibi activists who’ve been marching for years under a host of different banners, bolstered by sheer emotionalism that argues for a deal at any cost, even if it means leaving Hamas victorious.

Thankfully, not all Israelis agree with this defeatist madness. In recent days, a post from an unnamed reservist in Gaza has been going viral in Israel for making a very different argument than the one you hear parroted by self-appointed experts on TV or hear shouted in the streets of Tel Aviv. “The Philadelphi Corridor is more important than hostages,” wrote the reservist. “It’s more important than me and my entire battalion, which has been fighting in Gaza since the beginning of the war.” Approximately every 100 meters, he explained, a tunnel passes through the fence, openings used for smuggling massive amounts of contraband. Therefore, the reservist continued, “leaving Philadelphi for one day means a death sentence for thousands more Israelis … Our blood is no less red than the blood of the hostages, although we are ready to sacrifice our lives for the sake of defeating the enemy.” Take a deep breath, the reservist concludes, “and think again about your rhetoric. Now you are on the side of our worst enemy.”

The clashes unfurling all over Israel these days, then, aren’t really about the hostages, or the war, or even about Bibi Netanyahu. They’re more ontological than political, a referendum on how Israelis see the world and their role in it. For those who can’t imagine life outside of the global maze of governments and corporations and cultural commissars, the chief duty is to return posthaste into alignment with the dictates coming out of Washington. For those who understand that Zionism was always meant to guarantee freedom, not safety, now’s the time to make difficult choices, choices that would almost certainly lead to fresh waves of international condemnations but that would very likely save Israeli lives. But like with every civil war, all we can see now is how it begins, not, alas, how it might end.

Palestinians Can’t Even Agree Amongst Themselves

 (From the Al Qabas newspaper, Kuwait, August 22)

 On February 8, 2007 Fatah and Hamas agreed to sign the Mecca Agreement. This historic accord was brokered under the auspices of the late King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. Four pivotal agreements emerged from these discussions.

a)     a) Halting and preventing further bloodshed among Palestinians and unifying the stance against occupation through dialogue to resolve political differences.

b)    b) forming a Palestinian unity government.

c)    c) revitalizing and reforming the Palestine Liberation Organization, and accelerating the efforts of the Preparatory Committee in line with the Cairo and Damascus agreements.

d)    d) upholding the principle of political partnership based on existing Palestinian Authority laws, emphasizing political pluralism.

Only weeks later, Hamas staged a coup against the Palestinian Authority and seized control of the Gaza Strip, rendering the Mecca Agreement seemingly ineffective.

In 2009, Egyptian mediation attempted to reconcile the factions, giving rise to the Egyptian Paper, followed by the Cairo Agreement in 2011. Yet, these efforts too yielded no meaningful results.

The Doha Agreement in 2012, facilitated by the former emir of Qatar, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, sought to accelerate Palestinian national reconciliation. This was succeeded by the Beach Camp Agreement in 2014. The negotiators agreed to form a Palestinian consensus government and conduct elections within six months, a promise that fell through. Accusations continued to be exchanged between the factions, perpetuating the division.

In October 2017, the Cairo Agreement emerged yet again, and both parties agreed to empower the Government of National Accord, led by Rami Hamdallah, to assume full responsibilities in Gaza. They also agreed that the Presidential Guard would oversee the crossings and the Rafah border with Egypt. However, the division remained.

Now, in 2024, driven by urgency and the relentless war on Gaza following the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, the Palestinian factions have turned their hopes to Beijing. They are seeking to sign yet another agreement, the Beijing Declaration.

Neither the Mecca agreement nor the 13 subsequent agreements over the years were honored. Will the Beijing Agreement be any different?

Hostage gives Details of his Captivity

 (Briefing from Israeli Consul Scotland)

Qaid Farhan Alkadi, who was rescued from Hamas captivity on Tuesday in a joint operation by the IDF and Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), revealed details from his captivity, including undergoing surgery with almost no anaesthesia and witnessing the murder of a fellow hostage.

 

Alkadi stated that he was shot in the leg by terrorists on October 7 and, while in captivity, underwent surgery to remove the bullet.  "The surgery was done with almost no anaesthesia, and it was extremely painful. Initially, I was held in an apartment with other hostages, and there was very little food."

 

Alkadi said that just a few weeks after he was taken hostage, terrorists filmed other hostages held with him. He recounted that in the video, one could see hostages dying, which was filmed but never released by the terrorists. He shared how he witnessed the murder of the hostage Aryeh Zalmanovich beside him.  Alkadi was allowed to bathe once a month, stating, "Once a month, they let me bathe in a basin. I was kept alone in a tunnel, in complete darkness."

 

Regarding his movement in Gaza, he said, "After about two months, the terrorists moved me to a tunnel. There, I was alone, surrounded only by the terrorists. I couldn't tell the difference between day and night."  "The terrorists were masked and mostly gave me slices of bread to eat.  There was very little food. It was pitch black, and I would place my hands over my eyes to make sure I could still see; it was that dark.

 

Alkadi also recounted the story of his rescue. He said that he heard extensive IDF bombing in Gaza, and in his final days of captivity, terrorists left him a small portion of bread and fled. Only later, he would hear Hebrew and realise that IDF soldiers were operating nearby.

 

Prior to entering the tunnel where Alkadi was held, soldiers carried out operations and actions that led to the escape of the terrorists holding Alkadi. After this, the soldiers began searching the tunnel. Alkadi called out to them in Hebrew, and they engaged in a conversation to ensure it wasn't a trap. They finally extracted him safely.

Palestinian factions mulling coup against Sinwar over ceasefire deal

 (The report below comes from I24 News in Israel which is usually very reliable)

Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip are mulling staging a coup against Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, according to a report on the UK new site The Jewish Chronicle. 

This comes amid deep divides over the terms of a ceasefire deal with Israel to end the fighting, the report said.

Sinwar is also reportedly surrounded with 22 living Israeli hostages, who are handcuffed and used as human shields against assassination attempts. Israel, it is claimed, has had several opportunities to eliminate him, but has restrained itself due to the risk of harming its captives. The report also mentioned that the rest of the hostages are held by smaller Palestinian terrorist factions.

Hamas wants mediators to show plan before truce talks

David Cohen, the deputy director of the Central Intelligence Agency, said that the fate of the ceasefire and hostage release deal is in the hands of Sinwar, and that Israel has shown serious intent to make concessions to free the captives.

A View from the Northern Border

 (Cross posted from the Alma Research and Education Center , your eyes and ears on the northern border) 

On Sunday morning, just before dawn, Israel's northern communities were shaken awake by the sounds of explosions. A scene that has become far too familiar in recent months. At 4:30 AM, residents of the Western Galilee were jolted from their sleep by what would later be confirmed as an intense wave of Israeli Air Force preemptive strikes. The IAF said it struck thousands of Hezbollah launch barrels and thwarted a major attack, which Hezbollah had hoped would serve as its revenge for the July 30 elimination of Hezbollah military chief of staff Fuad Shukar in Beirut.

These Israeli preemptive attacks, consisting of some 100 fighter jets targeting Hezbollah positions with an unprecedented level of intensity, is unmatched since the start of the ongoing conflict. The strikes were aimed at Hezbollah's UAV, missile, and rocket-launching capabilities. Those in particular, it seems, housed in underground bunkers. Most of the strikes hit Hezbollah targets in open areas.

 As the IAF strikes subsided, Hezbollah responded with a barrage of rocket fire, targeting northern Israel. This counterattack, which began around 5:30 AM and lasted for nearly an hour, demonstrated the resilience of Hezbollah's operational capabilities, despite the recent IAF strikes. From the balconies of their homes, residents could see the confrontation unfold, as rockets flew overhead and explosions echoed across the region. By 6:40 AM, a brief lull occurred, only for the hostilities to resume at 7:30 AM with another round of Israeli strikes, likely targeting the same rocket launchers Hezbollah had used earlier that morning and further degrading Hezbollah's offensive capabilities.

According to reports, the Israeli strikes not only disrupted Hezbollah's immediate plans but also inflicted severe damage on their missile infrastructure, including underground facilities. The intensity of the IAF's bombardment was such that local residents, including those in the Upper Galilee, reported hearing and feeling the impacts from miles away.

However, the broader implications of Sunday's events raise important questions about the conflict. While the Israeli strikes were undoubtedly successful in their immediate objectives — preventing a large-scale Hezbollah attack and significantly damaging its launch capabilities — there are limitations to what these military actions can achieve.

 Notably, Hezbollah's infrastructure within civilian areas in southern Lebanon remained largely untouched. This restraint on Israel's part highlights the delicate balance it must maintain: Effectively degrading Hezbollah's military capabilities while minimizing civilian casualties and avoiding a broader conflict that could spiral out of control.

 The situation is further complicated by Hezbollah's calculated use of civilian areas for military purposes. According to IDF assessments, since the start of the northern war, 90% of Hezbollah’s rocket launches were launched from civilian areas and facilities.

Despite Israel's calls for Lebanese civilians to evacuate potential conflict zones, Hezbollah continues to operate in these areas, complicating Israel's efforts to strike without causing significant collateral damage.

Sunday's escalation also points to a deeper strategic dilemma. While the strikes were a tactical success, they are unlikely to bring about a significant shift in the overall conflict on their own. A single isolated operation, no matter how successful, cannot decisively alter the strategic balance. For a meaningful change to occur, sustained pressure and a broader campaign would be necessary - something that the Israeli cabinet appears to be contemplating, as indicated by the increase in operations targeting Hezbollah's strategic infrastructure over the past week.

 Both Israel and Hezbollah seem reluctant to trigger a full-scale war, each for their own reasons. For Israel, the primary concern is avoiding a conflict that could draw in additional regional actors and further destabilize the already volatile situation. For Hezbollah, the heavy losses sustained in recent strikes have likely tempered its willingness to escalate further, at least for the time being. However, the underlying risk remains: As long as Hezbollah retains a significant terrorist-military capability, the possibility of a broader conflict remains ever present.

 Israel continues to assess the damage inflicted on Hezbollah and weighs its options, knowing that while the immediate threat may have been mitigated, the broader challenge of neutralizing Hezbollah's military power still looms large.

 

 

 

The World Should Remember This