http://tinyurl.com/m5azgul
THE
GOOD news from the Middle East is that the truce between Israel and Hamas in
the Gaza Strip has held for a month, and Hamas appears ready to make
concessions to avoid a resumption of fighting. Last week the Islamist movement
renewed its agreement with the secular Fatah party to turn over Gaza’s
government and security control of its borders to the West Bank-based
Palestinian Authority. Though it’s not clear that the accord will last, Hamas
is emerging as the loser of the summer war. According to Israel, as much as 80
percent of Hamas’s military arsenal has been destroyed, and its poll ratings
among Palestinians are sinking as it fails to deliver the gains it promised
from the conflict.
Hamas’s
diminution might seem to create new possibilities for agreement between
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu. Mr. Abbas, after all, denounced Hamas’s embrace of carnage
and refused to support a simultaneous uprising in the West Bank. Yet Mr. Abbas
delivered a bridge-burning speech to the U.N. General Assembly last week, mendaciously
accusing Israel of “a new war of genocide” and declaring that a return to
negotiations was “impossible.”
For
several years Mr. Abbas has oscillated between half-hearted participation in
peace talks and attempts to advance the Palestinian cause through unilateral
action at the United Nations. The latter initiatives have no chance of
substantive success and risk being self-defeating, as the Palestinians should
have learned from Mr. Abbas’s last such gambit in 2012. Then their lobbyists
were unable to win enough support for a U.N. Security Council resolution even
to force a U.S. veto, and a compensatory symbolic measure in the General
Assembly provoked Israel to impose painful financial sanctions.
Mr.
Abbas nevertheless is trying the Security Council again, after refusing to
respond to a U.S. framework for peace talks painstakingly developed by
Secretary of State John F. Kerry. He proposes a resolution that would mandate
the creation of a Palestinian state based on Israel’s 1967 borders in a set period
of time; when it is voted down or vetoed by the United States, the Palestinians
hint that they will seek a war crimes investigation of Israel by the
International Criminal Court. That, in turn, would almost certainly prompt
retaliatory sanctions by Mr. Netanyahu’s government and possibly by Congress,
which supplies the Palestinian Authority with much of its funding.
Mr.
Abbas has repeatedly rejected violence, and he has convinced a series of U.S.
and Israeli negotiators that he has a realistic view of the terms for a
Palestinian state. Yet he has now rejected platforms for a settlement on two
occasions from two U.S. presidents. He persists in grandstanding gestures that
he must know will only delay the serious negotiations that must precede the
creation of a Palestinian state and that undermine those in Israel who support
such talks. He has spoken for years of retiring but, at 79, he clings to his
post four years after his elected term expired. Hamas has done the most harm to
Palestinians and their cause in recent years. But Mr. Abbas has done little
good.
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