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SIMON KOVAR 06/18/2016
There was a time when being a “Leftist Zionist” was no
contradiction.
In 1944, the British Labour Party resolved not only to
support Jewish settlement of Palestine but, “on human grounds and to promote a
stable settlement,” the transfer of the Arab population. “The Arabs have many
wide territories of their own,” it resolved; “they must not claim to exclude
the Jews from this small area of Palestine [excluding Transjordan], less than
the size of Wales.” Theodor Herzl was far from being a right-wing ethnic
nationalist. He dreamed of a Jewish state where Arabs would live as equals and
no army would be necessary.
In short, there was a time when you could be a liberal
or Socialist and still be a hard-nosed realist on questions of power. Today’s Left prefers its heroes to be powerless.
Israel commits the sin of being able and willing to defend itself. The
Palestinians are absolved by dint of being less powerful.
When I entered university in the 1990s,
the Left-inclined student’s default position was anti-Zionism. I was one of
them. From 2000-2005, I worked for Britain’s Center-Left Liberal Democrats. In
2014, according to insider accounts, the party nearly blew up its coalition
with the Conservatives over Gaza. Not tuition fees, healthcare, Europe, or
trade with China and Saudi Arabia. Gaza.
There came a point where I had to ask
whether some of my “comrades,” when speaking about Israel, were talking about
the same thing I was. They slipped easily from humanitarianism into dark
fantasies of hidden “Zionist” forces pulling the strings, medieval blood libels
and rationalizations of terrorism
I visited Israel for the first time
shortly after I left the party. Needless to say, it conformed to none of my
leftist preconceptions. More than this, I no longer felt ashamed.
I understood that my anti-Zionism was composed largely of embarrassment and apology, impulses that were suddenly missing in Israel. “I am Jewish but not a Zionist” was like saying “I am Jewish but not one of them.” Why should there ever be a “but” after a statement of one’s identity? Another part of my anti-Zionism turned out to be based on a highly ideological brand of leftist historiography which I began to pick apart and question as a postgraduate.
Here are some of my questions.
- Why is Jewish nationalism considered an “invention,” a “project,” an “ideology,” an “enterprise,” a “Western” imposition? Not to understand it, but to delegitimize it.
- Palestinian nationalism is treated as a fact of nature but was itself invented out of a whole compost of ingredients, including European Nazism and Fascism.
- Why is 1948 labeled a Zionist war to ethnically cleanse Palestine. The secretary general of the Arab League promised “a war of extermination and a momentous massacre which will be spoken of like the Mongolian massacres and the Crusades.”
- If Palestinian leaders are true nationalists, then surely they are primarily concerned with securing a state? Apparently not.
Zionism was concerned with Jewish immigration above all. This was because it was fundamentally an ideology of rescue, not religion or land. So much so that in 1946 it offered to forgo statehood and give up its claim to Jerusalem in return for open immigration.
Palestinian “nationalism” was never intrinsically defined by a claim to statehood. It was quite happy to be part of Greater Syria or Jordan. Instead, it was defined by opposition to any Jewish immigration. That is why it said “no” even to the tiny Jewish state proposed by the Peel Commission in 1937, opposed the British White Paper in 1939 and bargained with Adolf Hitler to prevent Jewish refugees from reaching Palestine.
Put another way, the Palestinian leadership was quite happy to be part of a Pan-Arab empire or monarchy, even a Nazi-dominated world empire, provided it could get the one thing that mattered the most to them: a Judenfrei Middle East.
Why is Palestinian refugee status perpetual and saintly but Jewish refugees thought interlopers and a thing of the past? My grandparents were refugees from the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia, but I do not go around calling myself a refugee. I have heard Norman Finkelstein repeatedly claim that 80 percent of Gazans are refugees. This is true only if you claim the label in perpetuity from generation to generation. On the same basis, Israel is close to 100% refugee, but nobody on the Left seems to think this grants the country any moral license or sanctity.
Those who claim that Palestine was “ethnically cleansed” are not really bothered by refugees at all. They are bothered by Israel existing. Otherwise, Pakistan would be a far more obvious target of concern. 14 million people were “transferred” in that partition, which happened only the year before the pivotal year in Israel’s independence struggle. Unlike in Palestine, hundreds of thousands were butchered. No one says Pakistan – which engaged in two subsequent brutal and bloody occupations, in Kashmir and what became Bangladesh – has no right to exist.
In short, Zionism injected controversy into Middle Eastern politics not because there were competing nationalist claims for the same land, or because it entailed the creation of a Palestinian refugee issue. Rather, the issue was any significant Jewish presence in Palestine and the question of Jewish refugees.
I like to see myself as the sort of leftist you read about in textbooks. A democrat, an egalitarian, an anti-Fascist, a feminist and a peacenik. How can I be these things and not support Israel? How can I be these things and have any time for Israel’s enemies? How?
I understood that my anti-Zionism was composed largely of embarrassment and apology, impulses that were suddenly missing in Israel. “I am Jewish but not a Zionist” was like saying “I am Jewish but not one of them.” Why should there ever be a “but” after a statement of one’s identity? Another part of my anti-Zionism turned out to be based on a highly ideological brand of leftist historiography which I began to pick apart and question as a postgraduate.
Here are some of my questions.
- Why is Jewish nationalism considered an “invention,” a “project,” an “ideology,” an “enterprise,” a “Western” imposition? Not to understand it, but to delegitimize it.
- Palestinian nationalism is treated as a fact of nature but was itself invented out of a whole compost of ingredients, including European Nazism and Fascism.
- Why is 1948 labeled a Zionist war to ethnically cleanse Palestine. The secretary general of the Arab League promised “a war of extermination and a momentous massacre which will be spoken of like the Mongolian massacres and the Crusades.”
- If Palestinian leaders are true nationalists, then surely they are primarily concerned with securing a state? Apparently not.
Zionism was concerned with Jewish immigration above all. This was because it was fundamentally an ideology of rescue, not religion or land. So much so that in 1946 it offered to forgo statehood and give up its claim to Jerusalem in return for open immigration.
Palestinian “nationalism” was never intrinsically defined by a claim to statehood. It was quite happy to be part of Greater Syria or Jordan. Instead, it was defined by opposition to any Jewish immigration. That is why it said “no” even to the tiny Jewish state proposed by the Peel Commission in 1937, opposed the British White Paper in 1939 and bargained with Adolf Hitler to prevent Jewish refugees from reaching Palestine.
Put another way, the Palestinian leadership was quite happy to be part of a Pan-Arab empire or monarchy, even a Nazi-dominated world empire, provided it could get the one thing that mattered the most to them: a Judenfrei Middle East.
Why is Palestinian refugee status perpetual and saintly but Jewish refugees thought interlopers and a thing of the past? My grandparents were refugees from the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia, but I do not go around calling myself a refugee. I have heard Norman Finkelstein repeatedly claim that 80 percent of Gazans are refugees. This is true only if you claim the label in perpetuity from generation to generation. On the same basis, Israel is close to 100% refugee, but nobody on the Left seems to think this grants the country any moral license or sanctity.
Those who claim that Palestine was “ethnically cleansed” are not really bothered by refugees at all. They are bothered by Israel existing. Otherwise, Pakistan would be a far more obvious target of concern. 14 million people were “transferred” in that partition, which happened only the year before the pivotal year in Israel’s independence struggle. Unlike in Palestine, hundreds of thousands were butchered. No one says Pakistan – which engaged in two subsequent brutal and bloody occupations, in Kashmir and what became Bangladesh – has no right to exist.
In short, Zionism injected controversy into Middle Eastern politics not because there were competing nationalist claims for the same land, or because it entailed the creation of a Palestinian refugee issue. Rather, the issue was any significant Jewish presence in Palestine and the question of Jewish refugees.
I like to see myself as the sort of leftist you read about in textbooks. A democrat, an egalitarian, an anti-Fascist, a feminist and a peacenik. How can I be these things and not support Israel? How can I be these things and have any time for Israel’s enemies? How?
I was an ardent leftie student in the late 1960s, while I was studying at Sussex University. Support for Israel was high then, and a whole coach load of students left to volunteer in Israel during the 1967 war. The Labour Party was wholly on the side of Israel then. It all changed when Israel won the war - no longer the underdog, she was no longer supported by the simplistic left-wing Labour members, and it was all downhill from there. I changed my views after living in Jerusalem in 1973-74 and since then have been an advocate of Israel's right to exist as well as a proud Zionist, but my leftie former colleagues don't seem to have learned anything in 40 years.
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